當前支持度 · Current support
計算中80% 區間顯示模型不確定性。勝選機率以全國有效票最高者計算,而非縣市數量。
Taiwan Election Forecast
區分當前支持度、選舉日預測與條件式情境的透明研究工作台。
Historical record · 1992–2024
Browse every direct presidential election since 1996 and every fully renewed Legislative Yuan election since 1992. Results describe election day, not the current composition of the legislature.
Presidential percentages use valid votes. Turnout uses all ballots cast divided by registered electors. The president wins by nationwide plurality; winning more counties does not decide the presidency.
Before 2008, legislative district voting used multi-member constituencies with a single non-transferable vote; national/overseas seats were allocated using aggregated party-affiliated candidate votes. The displayed early vote shares are not a separate party-list ballot. Since 2008, 113 seats comprise 73 single-member districts, 6 Indigenous seats and 34 party-list seats. The party-list threshold is 5%. District/Indigenous vote totals and party-list totals have different denominators.
Seats are election results, before resignations, by-elections or later affiliation changes. A party’s largest seat count does not necessarily give it a majority. Current emblems identify parties; they are not a reconstruction of every historical logo. Independents have no shared party emblem. Minor parties without a verified asset are explicitly labelled.
2024 presidential election · Geographic reference
The map uses the same boundary file as your Taiwan Election game. County colours show the actual 2024 presidential winner. Boundaries are a 2011 reference, with county labels updated; islands use labelled insets and are not to the same scale.
Eligible-voter counts and results come from the 2024 record. County results cannot reveal how an individual demographic group voted.
Electorate research · Evidence before assumptions
Understand the overlapping social, economic and political dimensions of Taiwan’s electorate. These are research categories, not fixed voting blocs or estimates of votes available to a party.
The game cites the CEC for 2024 eligible voters and election results, ronnywang/twgeojson for geography, and Shelley Rigger’s Brookings analysis for party context. Its legacy eight groups were consolidated into four organized-interest groups. Its influence scores, costs, persuasion multipliers and endorsements are expressly fictional balance choices. None is imported into this archive as a population, support rate or fitted forecast coefficient.
Below, those broad categories are expanded into distinct research questions. “Potential” means what a category could help explain if measured with suitable data. Group sizes and voting preferences are not estimated without a dated survey, population definition, weights and uncertainty.
Use a common electorate definition and reference date. Population counts, eligible voters, survey respondents and actual voters are different populations. Age, occupation, tenure, geography and identity overlap: they cannot be added to form a national total. Use joint distributions or documented weighting, rather than multiplying marginal percentages.
For each survey retain fieldwork dates, sampling frame, landline/mobile/online mode, question wording, sample sizes, subgroup effective sample size, weights, nonresponse and confidence intervals. Party identification, preferred candidate and actual vote are different outcomes. Associations in one election do not establish stable causal effects or future turnout. A subgroup estimate should remain unavailable when its evidence is insufficient.
This library adds historical context, not model validation. The forecast remains uncalibrated until chronological backtesting is completed with held-out election cycles and documented data vintages.
Consolidated forecast · X
80% 區間顯示模型不確定性。勝選機率以全國有效票最高者計算,而非縣市數量。
Forecast history
歷史視圖只呈現已儲存的模型輸出;編輯事件不會改寫過去的快照。
| 截止日 | 模式 | 輸出 | 證據狀態 | 建立時間 |
|---|
Event register
事件是否發生,與其選舉效果是否可信,是兩個不同問題。
Model comparison
共享資料不代表獨立確認。X 以完整分布的混合抽樣組合可用模型。
B 尚未用獨立選舉週期擬合,因此預設權重為零。等權重只能作為未驗證實驗。
Scenario workspace
未知機率不會被假裝成精確機率;工作台改以低、基準、高效果敏感度比較。

Your Forecast Companion
一起讀懂數據,讓每個預測都有依據。
你好,我是民晴。先選擇總統或立法院選舉,再按「模擬預測」。我會帶你看得票、席次與不確定性。
Event-driven simulation · 30 / 60 / 90 events
選擇選舉類型,按下「模擬預測」,查看領先政黨、預估得票與勝選機率,再展開區域與群組細節。結果取 30、60、90 事件模型的等權平均;尚未完成歷史校準。
The 2024 TPP presidential share is not a current forecast baseline. A Z.Media survey (fieldwork 15–17 August 2026; n=1,070; reported sampling error ±3pp) reported party support of DPP 34.7%, KMT 19.3%, TPP 6.3% and no party leaning 35.7%. Party support is not candidate vote intention; nonpartisans are not automatically undecided voters. The default lower-TPP preset below is an editable sensitivity assumption, not a poll conversion. No confirmed 2028 TPP presidential nominee has been verified for this release.
Ready. Press Simulate to produce results.
Conditional presidential downscaling uses 2024 county vote patterns and ballot weights, iteratively adjusted to match national projected votes. It is not a county poll. Legislative constituency expectations use the CEC 2024 candidate profiles, conditional national swing and local noise. National-list and Indigenous seats remain separate.
Group-level vote estimates are unavailable without representative subgroup data. These overlapping research profiles describe evidence needs; no invented support percentages are assigned.
| Party / ticket | Baseline share % | Mean change per event (pp) |
|---|
The historical preset uses 2024 vote shares as a reference. The default lower-TPP preset is a sensitivity assumption, not a current poll or a future candidate lineup. Presidential entries are hypothetical party tickets. Baseline uncertainty is 1.5pp per entry; each hypothetical event adds the entered mean shift plus a random shock with the selected standard deviation, then shares are normalized. Events are independent assumptions, not 30/60/90 verified news records. Each event is sampled as high (2× volatility) or low (0.4×). Influence decays with its age before election day using the chosen half-life; events in the final 14 days receive the chosen timing multiplier. These coefficients are sensitivity assumptions, not empirically established effects. Zero mean shifts describe symmetric hypothetical shocks, not an assessment of actual political events.
For the Legislative Yuan, the vote result is party-list share. The seat scenario allocates 34 party-list seats among named parties reaching 5%, with largest remainders. The pooled “Other / independent” share is excluded from list allocation; it is not a single eligible party. The 73 constituency profiles use official 2024 candidate records, using the CEC 2024 candidate shares and 6pp local noise. Six Indigenous seats are held at the explicit 2024 reference allocation (2 DPP, 3 KMT, 1 independent). These profiles are not verified constituency forecasts; local nominations, alliances and Indigenous vote changes are not modeled.
The displayed average is exactly one third of each model’s mean vote share, expected seats and probabilities. Its 80% intervals come from the equal-weight pooled distributions, not averaged endpoints. The main result assigns each constituency to the party with the highest simulated win probability, selects the most frequent complete 34-seat list allocation, and includes the six fixed Indigenous seats. This yields exactly 113 whole seats. Combined-model decisions use pooled equal-weight model outcomes, rather than rounding the three seat totals separately. Fractional mathematical expectations remain in model details. Exact district ties prefer the historical winner then party order; tied list allocations use a deterministic lexical order. “Largest party” splits ties equally and does not imply a majority; majority requires at least 57 seats.
Historical reference dataset · 2024 seat breakdown. Hypothetical simulation results do not validate the model. Research mode remains unavailable until verified event effects and election-specific calibration exist.
Per-event shifts and baseline inputs above are assumptions, not fitted coefficients. Lower-TPP defaults are DPP 46 / KMT 44 / TPP 10 for presidential votes, and 38 / 38 / 12 / 3 / 9 for legislative party-list votes. These are sensitivity choices, not measured vote-intention estimates. If TPP does not contest the presidency, its assumed share is split using your entered transfer percentage; no transfer is inferred from party support.
選擇至少一項條件式發展,以建立與基準分離的情境分支。